6A. The evidence does not establish that President Trump pressured President Zelensky during the July 25 phone call to investigate the President’s political rival for the purpose of benefiting him in the 2020 election.
393. The President has the constitutional authority to remove Ambassador Yovanovitch.
71. The call summary does not reflect any improper pressure or conditionality to pressure Ukraine to investigate President Trump’s political rival.
404. Ambassador Volker, Ambassador Sondland, and Secretary Perry were all senior U.S. government officers with official interests in Ukraine policy.
82. President Zelensky has publicly and repeatedly said he felt no pressure to investigate President Trump’s political rival.
415. Referencing Ukrainian corruption, President Trump told Ambassador Volker, Ambassador Sondland, and Secretary Perry to talk to Mayor Giuliani.
93. President Trump has publicly and repeatedly said he did not pressure President Zelensky to investigate his political rival.
426. At the Ukrainian government’s request, Ambassador Volker connected them with Mayor Giuliani to change his impression about the Zelensky regime.
104. Read-outs of the phone call from both the State Department and the Ukrainian government did not reflect that President Trump pressured President Zelensky to investigate his political rival.
437. The Ukrainian government understood that Mayor Giuliani was not speaking on behalf of President Trump.
115. The National Security Council leadership did not see the call as illegal or improper.
448. Ambassador Volker, Ambassador Sondland, and Secretary Perry kept the National Security Council and the State Department informed about their actions.
126. The anonymous, secondhand whistleblower complaint misstated details about the July 25 call, which has falsely colored the call’s public characterization.
459. Although some in the U.S. foreign policy establishment bristled, the roles of Ambassador Volker, Ambassador Sondland, and Secretary Perry and their interactions with Mayor Giuliani did not violate the law or harm national security.
13B. The evidence does not establish that President Trump withheld a meeting with President Zelensky to pressure Ukraine to investigate the President’s political rival for the purpose of benefiting him in the 2020 election.
46E. President Trump is not wrong to raise questions about Hunter Biden’s role with Burisma or Ukrainian government officials’ efforts to influence the 2016 campaign.
141. Ukraine has a long history of pervasive corruption.
471. It is appropriate for Ukraine to investigate allegations of corruption in its country.
152. President Trump has a deep-seated, genuine, and reasonable skepticism of Ukraine due to its history of pervasive corruption.
482. There are legitimate concerns surrounding Hunter Biden’s position on the board of Ukrainian energy company Burisma during his father’s term as Vice President of the United States.
163. Senior Ukrainian government officials publicly attacked President Trump during the 2016 campaign.
493. There are legitimate questions about the extent to which Ukrainian government officials worked to oppose President Trump’s candidacy in the 2016 election.
174. U.S. foreign policy officials were split on President Zelensky, a political novice with untested views on anti-corruption and a close relationship with a controversial oligarch.
50F. The anonymous whistleblower who served as the basis for the impeachment inquiry has no firsthand knowledge of events and a bias against President Trump.
185. President Trump extended an invitation to the White House to President Zelensky on three occasions without conditions.
511. The anonymous whistleblower acknowledged having no firsthand knowledge of the events in question.
196. Despite difficulty scheduling a face-to-face presidential meeting, senior Ukrainian officials interacted often with senior American officials between May and September 2019.
522. Press reports suggest that the anonymous whistleblower acknowledged having a professional relationship with former Vice President Biden.
207. The evidence does not establish a linkage between a White House meeting and Ukrainian investigations into President Trump’s political rival.
533. The anonymous whistleblower secretly communicated with Chairman Schiff or his staff.
218. The evidence does not establish that President Trump directed Vice President Pence not to attend President Zelensky's inauguration to pressure Ukraine to investigate the President's political rival.
54II. The evidence does not establish that President Trump engaged in a cover-up of his interactions with Ukrainian President Zelensky.
229. President Trump and President Zelensky met during the United Nations General Assembly in September 2019 without any Ukrainian action to investigate President Trump’s political rival.
55A. President Trump declassified and released publicly the summary of his July 25 phone call with President Zelensky.
23C. The evidence does not establish that President Trump withheld U.S. security assistance to Ukraine to pressure Ukraine to investigate the President’s political rival for the purpose of benefiting him in the 2020 election.
56B. President Trump released a redacted version of the classified anonymous whistleblower complaint.
241. President Trump has been skeptical about U.S. taxpayer-funded foreign assistance.
57C. President Trump released publicly the summary of his April 21 phone call with President Zelensky.
252. President Trump has been clear and consistent in his view that Europe should pay its fair share for regional defense.
58D. The Trump Administration has experienced a surge in sensitive leaks, including details of the President’s communications with foreign leaders.
263. U.S. foreign aid is often conditioned or paused, and U.S. security assistance to Ukraine has been paused before.
59E. The evidence does not establish that access to the July 25 call summary was restricted for inappropriate reasons.
274. Despite President Trump’s skepticism, the Trump Administration’s policies have shown greater commitment and support to Ukraine than those of the Obama Administration.
60III. The evidence does not establish that President Trump obstructed Congress in the Democrats’ impeachment inquiry.
285. Although security assistance to Ukraine was paused in July 2019, several witnesses testified that U.S. security assistance was not linked to any Ukrainian action on investigations.
61A. Democrats have abandoned long-standing precedent by failing to guarantee due process and fundamental fairness in their impeachment inquiry.
296. President Trump rejected any linkage between U.S. security assistance and Ukrainian action on investigations.
62B. Democrats have engaged in an abusive process toward a pre-determined outcome.
307. Senior U.S. officials never substantively discussed the delay in security assistance with Ukrainian officials before the July 25 call.
63C. President Trump may raise privileges and defenses in response to unfair, abusive proceedings.
318. The Ukrainian government denied any awareness of a linkage between U.S. security assistance and investigations.
64D. Although declining to submit to the Democrats’ abusive and unfair process, President Trump has released information to help the American public understand the issues.
329. The Ukrainian government considered issuing a public anti-corruption statement to convey that President Zelensky was “serious and different” from previous Ukrainian regimes.
65IV. Conclusion
3310. President Zelensky never raised a linkage between security assistance and investigations in his meetings with senior U.S. government officials.
